O n Wednesday New Wales of the South Labor leader Chris Minns hosts a meeting of representatives from West Sydney to talk about Covid -19 recovery. I'm going as a resident of Parramatta, local recycling operator and mental health advocate. And because, after 30 years as a public liberal, I think I will vote for Minns to be the next premier of NSW.
My political background it's some 25 years of Liberal Party , adviser to two prime ministers, two opposition leaders and four shadow ministers and ministers, campaign manager and even state candidate for the seat where the Australian Labor Party.
So, did I changed? Have I experienced a life event that made me reconsider my values and beliefs? Am I about to declare my new progressive, pro-social, anti-patriarchal and climate emergency credentials?
Not even close. Wellthat I respect those with more collectivist and distributive perspectives, I remain on the side of individualism, free enterprise, a smaller government with a strong safety net and the need to question the change in our society before we pass it.
Instead, I look at Minns through the same pragmatic lens as many unaligned voters - probably around 60% of all voters today - watch leaders, candidates and elections. And he looks good t.
Better activists than I spoke about three key factors for eligibility: competence, stability and 'integrity.
In terms of competence (AKA, do not spoil), one center-right commentator said this week: "Chris Minns does has not been mistaken since he became a Labor leader. "A demonstration of competence wasMinns’s strategic and tactical approach to Covid-19 policy. Taking the lead in the opposition, he proclaimed negativity dead and declared a unity ticket with the government on broader Covid policy. From that high point, he skillfully tore out implementation flaws, such as unclear restriction rules, inequalities between different parts of Sydney and the need to protect frontline workers.
But being able is not reason enough for me to vote for Minns. Putting aside the views of the "zeroistas" who will never be satisfied, the government has largely done a decent job of containing an unprecedented virus if we use aspects such as the hospitalization and deaths - moreearlier than only transmission - as indicators.
This brings us to the next qualifying factor: stability. Here, Minns has the "benefit of despair". After many cuts and changes over the past 10 years, NSW Labor seems to have finally realized that you can't win when you function like a broken kaleidoscope. It will have strong domestic support between now and the election and possibly beyond.
To achieve this stability, NSW Labor has not does much more than the government has done. There appears to be limited pressure on the leadership of Prime Minister Gladys Berejiklian. While potential suitors, such as Treasurer, Dominic Perrottet, might make a case, it's li kely they won't. Because they know how to count and the chances of being re-elected for a fourth term are long, with only one previous released20th century ral, Robert Askin in 1973.
Therefore, the deciding factor in the Minns review is integrity. It took a decade and there have been many ups and downs, but the objective reality is that NSW Labor's worst period of corruption and cronyism seems to be largely behind it.
NSW Labor also demonstrates integrity in its positioning. Minns speaks out about injustice, especially in western Sydney, where police helicopters over migrant families gathered in public parks have become a "new normal ".
Minns appears to have a store that has at least partially cleaned up its act; it is true to the DNA of work. It 's not my shop and it ' s not my DNA, but, both as an ex-pro and as a bettor, I respect clarity of purpose.
Indeed, the integrity is there the NS dataW Coalition government fails. In its handling of the foreclosure, the government is subject to questions about its honesty and accountability, inconsistent with the principles of good public administration and at odds with its own historical values.
Entering its eleventh year, government is characterized by much of what characterizes long-term government, and which generally produces maladministration. The inertia of longevity and loyalty over capacity; the deterioration of the discretionary powers of ministerial offices and the grip of the bureaucracy; the mediocre domination of political ritual and personal habits over public ideas and innovation; management of media dynamics on community engagementarea; the sly victory of pride over humility.
As someone who fought for the return of the liberals to power in 2011, it is disgusting to see the Minister of Police write a selfish comedy column in the Daily Telegraph , as its officers enforce a lockdown filled with arbitrary rules at a high social cost. It is embarrassing to see male senior ministers exchanging laughs on social media about lockdown beards and model-building hobbies while people from the horrific "worrying LGAs" worry about their means to survive. subsistence. It is horrible to read statements about "opening ads to entice punters to get vaccinated " while children - among which show rates of self-harmemergency services increased by 50% - just want to go back to school.
Presiding over a lockdown that many of his own rusties consider too long, too harsh and lacking in evidence, and only now acknowledging its overbreadth and repercussions, I really wonder what the Liberal government in NSW no longer believes in it.
When the NSW Crisis Cabinet deliberates, who asks the fundamental questions about liberal values like freedom? Who looks at the long-term economic impact and makes concrete plans to move forward? Which, given that the New South Wales Liberals were the first to introduce a shadow ministry for mental health (owned by the current prime minister), calls for the emotional costs and advocates for extra effort over the A paltry additional 5 million dollars that have been allocated? It looks like my old colleagues and even friends may have lost their political GPS. I hope they find him. Until then, I take a long look at Chris Minns, and I suspect that many other non-aligned voters are too.